ADDRESS 


DELIVERED      BEFORE      THE 


WAKE  COUNTY  WORKMEN'S  ASSOCIATION, 


IN  THE  COURT  HOUSE  AT  RALEIGH, 


S 


FEBHUARY     6,     X86O, 


5 


BY         . 

FRANK.     I,     WILSON,     ESQ. 


EALEIGH : 

"STANDARD"     OFFICE      PRINT. 

1860. 


ADDRESS 


DELIVERED      BEFORE      THE 


WAKE    OOTINTY 

WOMINGMEN'S  ASSOCIATION, 

m  THE   COURT   HOUSE   AT   RALEIGH, 

^ZEZOJEUCT-^IEl.^    6,    I860, 


BY 

FRANK.     I.     WILSON,     ESQ 


EALEIGH: 

"STANDARD"    OFFICE,    PRINT. 

1860. 


W  t^ 


Raleigh,  N.  C,  February  7,  I860. 
Frank.  I.  Wilson,  Esq.: 

Dear  Sir: — The  undersigned,  a  portion  of  the  members  of  the  "Wake 
County  Workingmen's  Association,"  beg  that  you  will  permit  us  to  publish 
the  Address  delivered  by  you  before  our  Association  in  the  Court  House 
last  night.  We  doubt  not  every  member  of  the  Association  would  sign 
this  request  did  an  opportunity  offer.  In  that  Address  you  embody  our 
sentiments  and  our  feelings  in  every  particular,  and  we  wish  to  send  copies 
of  it  to  our  friends  throughout  the  State,  that  they  may  see  and  judge  for 
themselves  whether  we  are  traitors  or  not. 

Thanking  you  for  the  defense  you  have  made  for  us — a  defense  at  once 
bold  and  just — we  hope  you  will  comply  with  our  request. 

Your  obliged  Friends, 

JNO.  R.  HARRISON,         MARK  M.  WILLIAMS, 

Q.  BUSBEE, 

S.  M.  PARISH. 

J.  N.  BUNTING, 

D.  0.  DUDLEY, 

H.  RABEY, 

DAVID  A.  WICKER, 

C.  KUESTER, 

THQS.  GRIER, 


WM.  J.  LOUGEE, 
L.  N.  KEITH, 
J.  McK.  HENSON, 
JOS.  J.  JACKSON, 
B.  F.  BENTON, 
HENRY  GORMAN, 
P.  LENAHAN. 


Raleigh,  N.  C,  February  8,  1860, 
Gentlemen : 

Your  note  of  yesterday  has  been  received.  I  thank  you  for  the  compli- 
mentary terms  in  which  you  are  pleased  to  speak  of  my  address,  and  am 
glad  that  it  met  your  approval.  Would  it  were  worthier;  but  such  as  it 
is,  it  is  at  your  disposal. 

Very  truly  yours, 

FRANK.  I.  WILSON. 
To  Jno.  R  Harrison  and  others. 


ADDRESS, 


Mr.  President,  and  Gentlemen  of  the  Association: 

We  have  assembled  here  to-night  in  a  public  building,  the 
doors  of  which  are  open,  and  in  which  lights  are  burning. 
We  wear  no  masks,  and  no  disguises.  We  meet  as  freemen, 
and  for  no  unlawful  purpose,  and  therefore  are  not  afraid  to 
show  our  faces.  Our  meetings  are  public,  and  all  are  wel- 
come to  witness  our  proceedings,  whether  they  come  as  friends, 
whether  they  come  for  information,  whether  they  come  from 
curiosity,  or  whether  they  come  as  spies.  For  what  purpose 
they  come  is  to  us,  in  the  abstract,  immaterial.  We  welcome 
all,  be  their  intentions  good  or  evil ;  for  while  we  can  and  will 
duly  appreciate  kindness  and  justice,  we  can  well  afford  to 
smile  with  contempt  at  misrepresentation  and  injustice.  Con- 
scious of  our  own  rectitude  of  purpose,  the  curses  hurled  at 
us  fall  harmless  at  our  feet.  Those  curses  will  doubtless  go 
home  to  roost;  and  one  of  my  objects,  in  this  Address,  is  to 
lend  them  a  helping  foot,  to  facilitate  their  return  to  stygian 
depths,  that  they  may  the  sooner  reach  their  paternal  home, 
and  be  met  with  the  frowns  of  their  father,  because  they  had 
not  accomplished  the  mission  on  which  they  were  sent. 

Our  preachers  tell  us  that  our  lot  has  been  cast  in  a  Chris-- 
tian  land.  I  will  not  deny  this,  but  I  sometimes  have  my 
doubts  about  it.  Of  one  thing  I  am  sure : — as  Workingmen, 
we  have  fallen  on  evil  times.  Dark  and  troublous  clouds  are 
lowering  around  us.  Compelled  to  the  disgrace  of  labor, 
either  mental  of  physical,  to  maintain  ourselves,  our  wives 
and  children,  the  keen  scented  nostrils  of  aristocratic  patmoU 
smell  treason  in  every  movement  of  our  muscles,  and  in  every 
idea  of  out  brains.  In  every  pulse-throb  of  the  blood  that 
courses  through  our  veins,  they  feel  a  jar  to  the  temple  of 


Liberty ;  and  in  every  word  we  utter  they  hear  the  thunder 
tones  of  intolerable  impudence  and  insolence.  Ever  and  anon 
their  wrath,  like  arrowy  lightnings,  cleaves  the  gloom  above 
and  around  us,  with  a  light  whose  lurid  gleam  is  quite  as  sub- 
stantial, if  not  as  fearful,  as  Chaos  itself.  Should  not  this  ap- 
pal us?  Should  we  not  pause,  dismayed,  horror-stricken,  and 
trembling  in  every  joint  ?  Should  we  not  crouch  at  the  feet 
of  these  superiors,  and  humbly  beg,  as  inferiors,  permission 
to  breathe  the  free  air  of  God  ?  What !  a  man  with  the  smell 
of  the  workshop  upon  him,  or  with  the  pale  face  of  mental 
exhaustion,  to  dare  utter  his  sentiments !  to  dare  express  his 
views !  to  dare  have  a  soul,  a  mind,  a  thought  of  his  own  ! 
Surely  the  acme  of  impudence  is  reached,  and  the  walls  of 
insolence  scaled. 

Mr.  President,  when  I  came  into  this  Association — and  per- 
mit me  to  say  I  was  one  among  the  first  to  come  into  it,  and 
intend  to  be  one  of  the  last  to  go  out  of  it — I  say,  when  I  came 
into  this  Association,  I  had  no  idea  of  the  importance  to  which 
it  was  so  speedily  to  elevate  us  all.  Previous  to  that  time  we 
worked  on  quietly,  in  our  respective  vocations,  maintaining 
our  families,  educating  our.  children,  and  fulfilling,  to  the  best 
of  our  abilities,  our  respective  duties.  ISTo  one  talked  about 
us ;  no  one  bestowed  more  than  a  passing  notice  upon  us ', 
and  no  one  seemed  to  think  we  were  very  mean  personally, 
or  very  dangerous  as  citizens.  We  were  of  the  small-fry 
class,  neither  potential  nor  consequential,  and  of  very  little 
importance  any  way.  Now  we  are  noticed,  talked  about,  and 
honored  with  magnificent  abuse  !  We  are  misrepresented, 
our  avowed  purposes  distorted,  and  aims  and  objects  are  at- 
tributed to  us  that  we  never  dreamed  of.  I  thought  we  were 
associating  ourselves  together  for  the  purpose  of  concerted 
action  in  changing  the  system  of  taxation  in  our  State,  and  to 
promote  the  interests  of  labor.  I  was  simple  enough  to  be- 
lieve we  had  the  right  to  form  such  an  Association  ;  and  in 
my  moral  and  mental  perceptions,  I  was  so  obtuse  as  not  to 
see  "  treasons,  stratagems  and  spoils"  in  the  movement.  I 
had  not  then  discovered  that  we,  as  a  body,  were  so  weak,  so 
pliant,  so  dishonest,  as  to  become  the  tools  of  "  designing  dem- 


agogues,"  and  the  instruments  of  rascally  "  office  hunters." 
Yet  these  things  have  been  charged  upon  us  by  those  who 
wish  to  pass  as  "  honorable"  men.  Dare  we  deny  the  charge  ? 
Why,  what  might  be  the  consequences  ?  I  trust  the  rest  of 
you  feel  comfortable,  but  for  myself,  I  confess  to  much  trepi- 
dation. Workingmen  dare  have  opinions  of  their  own! 
Workingmen  dare  form  an  Association !  Workingmen  dare 
do  any  thing  but  submit !  In  the  words  of  a  wealthy  and 
brainless  woman  I  once  knew,  when  a  journeyman  carpenter 
expressed  some  independent  sentiments  in  her  hearing :  "  In 
the  name  of  God,  what  is  poor  folks  comin'  to  ?"     (Applause.) 

I  said  that  one  of  my  objects  in  this  Address  was  to  facili- 
tate the  curses  sent  up  at  us,  on  their  return  passage,  down 
from  whence  they  came.  I  will  commence  with  the  smallest 
of  them  all,  and  will  soon  have  it  on  board  the  Tartarian  train, 
duly  checked  for  its  destination.  I  choose  to  dispose  of  small 
matters  with  brief  comment ;  and  if  that  brevity  accomplish 
the  object  intended,  so  much  the  better. 

I  noticed  in  the  Tarboro'  Mercury,  a  few  weeks  ago,  what 
purported  to  be,  and  no  doubt  was,  an  extract  from  a  letter 
from  Raleigh;  asserting  that  there  «were  not  twenty-five  men 
belonging  to  this  Association.  We  all  know  that  was  a  false- 
hood, and  whether  the  writer  was  ignorant  and  malicious,  or 
knowing  and  wilful,  in  asserting  such  falsehood,  is,  to  us,  a 
matter  of  supreme  indifference.  Who  the  writer  is  I  know 
not — neither  do  I  care ;  but  I  would  like  to  know  what  paths 
he  travels,  that  I  might  shun  them  on  dark  nights.  The  man 
who  asserts  a  thing,  not  knowing  whether  it  be  false  or  true, 
is  malicious;  and,  in  my  estimation  is,  if  possible,  meaner 
than  he  who  knowingly  asserts  a  falsehood.  The  writer  of 
that  "extract"  can  take  either  horn  of  the  dilemma  he 
chooses ;  and  whichever  he  may  take,  I  guess  he  will  be  like 
the  Irishman  told  the  traveller  he  would  be  in  the  choice  of 
roads:  "Take  whichever  you  plaze,  and  you'll  wish  you'd 
taken  the  other."  (Laughter.)  He  thought  the  Association 
a  very  small  concern,  but  he  showed  his  natural  cowardice  by 
being  hugely  frightened  at  it.  The  cause  for  fear  was  very 
insignificant,  but  fully  sufficient  to  scare  him  away  from  the 
truth.    Let  him  pass.     (Applause.) 


And  now,  fellow-workingmen,  I  come  to  a  point  at  which 
my  blood  might  well  boil  in  its  veins,  and  my  equanimity  be 
temporarily  lost — a  point  at  which  passion,  scorn,  contempt 
and  loathing  might  be  excused  for  rising  superior  to  calmness 
and  discretion.  I  shall  try  to  restrain  the  feelings  of  indig- 
nation which  naturally  arise,  so  that  they  shall  not  overleap 
the  bounds  of  prudence  and  judgment ;  but  what  I  have  to 
say,  I  shall  say  upon  my  own  responsibility,  and  1  hold  myself 
accountable  for  my  language. 

Fellow-workingmen,  are  you  Abolitionists?  (Cries  of 
"  No.")  Do  you  sympathize  with  Abolitionists  ?  ("No,  no.") 
"Would  you  furnish  Abolitionists  with  weapons  to  assail  the 
South,  or  the  institutions  of  the  South.  ("  No !")  If  I  were 
asking  you  these  questions  in  earnest — if  I  doubted  your 
fidelity  to  the  South,  and,  as  a  self-constituted  judge,  were  in- 
terrogating you  for  the  purpose  of  discovering  your  real  sen- 
timents, having  suspicions  that  you  were  disloyal,  would  you 
not  rise  in  the  wrath  of  a  just  indignation  and  hurl  me 
through  yonder  window,  not  caring  whether  I  lighted  upon 
my  head  or  my  feet  ?  ("  Yes,  we  would !")  Yet  the  National 
Era,  an  Abolition  sheet  published  in  Washington  City,  that 
with  the  accustomed  recklessness  of  all  Abolition  sheets,  seizes 
hold  of  and  perverts  every  thing  to  its  own  base  purposes, 
charges  you  with  aiding  and  abetting  Abolitionism.  But  you 
say :  "  What  of  that  ?  The  Era  is  an  Abolition  sheet,  edited 
by  a  God-forsaken,  soulless,  honorless  abortion  of  JN  orth-Caro- 
lina — a  thing  whose  native  land  has  spewed  him  out  into  the 
filthy  receptacle  of  fanaticism  and  hypocrisy — and  of  course 
no  one  will  regard  what  he  says — of  course  no  honorable  man 
will  bring  that  paper  forward  as  testimony  against  us."  ("No, 
none.")  So  far  I  agree  with  you.  No  one  whose  good  opin- 
ion is  worth  having  will  form  a  bad  opinion  of  you  from  what 
the  Era  or  any  other  Abolition  paper  may  say  of  you ;  and 
when  the  arguments  of  such  papers  are  re-produced  against 
you  in  Southern  papers,  you  may  rest  assured  that  such  South- 
ern papers  are  hard  run  for  materials,  and  unscrupulous  in 
their  search  for  them.  Of  the  conductors  of  such  papers,  I 
leave  you  and  the  public  to  form  your  own  estimate.    They 


evidently  intend^  so  far  as  in  them  lies,  to  throw  around  you 
the  mantle  of  infamy,  to  degrade  you,  to  cut  you  off  from 
respectable  society,  and  to  render  you  loathsome,  despised  and 
abhorred  beings.  It  is  a  charge  against  you  of  that  blackest  of 
all  crimes,  treason — treason  to  your  native  or  adopted  land. 
(Sensation.)  But  for  the  endorsement  of  the  Era  by#  certain 
papers  in  North-Carolina,  I  should  feel  that  I  was  insulting 
you  by  asking,  Are  you  traitors?  What  is  your  response? 
(Cries  of,  "  No — we  are  not!") 

I  knew  your  answer  would  be  an  indignant  "No  !"  Then 
you  brand  the  Era  and  its  friends  with  falsehood.  I  say  "its 
friends,"  for  when  one  man  endorses  for  another  it  is  prima 
facie  evidence  of  friendship.  (A  voice,  "  That  is  so.")  So 
when  one  paper  copies  an  article  from  another  without  com- 
ment, it  is  a  tacit  approval  of  the  sentiments  contained  in 
that  article.  Certain  papers  in  North-Carolina  have  gone 
further  than  this :  they  have  called  special  attention  to  the 
Era  article,  published  it  as  evidence  of  your  unsoundness, 
and  as  an  argument  against  your  attempts  to  change  our  sys- 
tem of  taxation.  The  papers  of  this  State  that  have  pub- 
lished that  article,  some  with  and  some  without  comment,  are, 
so  far  as  I  now  recollect,  the  Warrenton  News,  the  Charlotte 
Bulletin,  the  Salisbury  Banner,  the  Tarjboro'  Mercury,  and 
last  and  least,  a  certain  sheet  of  our  own  City  which  may  be 
seen  by  the  aid  of  magnifying  glasses,  called  the  Tight-Squeeze. 
(Laughter  and  Applause.)  (If  any  other  papers  in  the  State 
have  published  the  article  mentioned,  I  beg  that  they  will 
consider  themselves  included  in  the  foregoing  list.)  Here 
you  have  the  battery — the  Era,  the  News,  the  Bulletin,  the 
Banner,  the  Mercury,  and  the  Tight-Squeeze.  Will  you  still 
resist  ?  or  will  you  surrender  at  discretion  ?  (A  voice — "  we 
will  resist.")  Will  you  storm  the  battery  ?  or  will  you  ground 
your  arms  ?  For  my  part,  I  am  for  fighting  a  little  longer, 
and  if  need  be,  a  little  stronger.     (Applause.) 

Mr.  President,  my  language  may  seem  strong,  and  even 
bitter ;  but  remember  the  provocation.  I  am  attacking  no 
one,  but  am  only  repelling  the  attacks  of  others.  Did  I  say 
attacks  ? — I  should  have  said  I  was  only  resenting  insults ;  for 


8 

I  know  of  no  insult  greater  than  the  charge  of  Abolitionism 
upon  Southern  meu — ay,  upon  an  Association  of  Southern 
men,  as  honest  of  purpose  as  any  in  the  world.  The  man 
that  would  dare  charge  it  to  my  face,  or  to  yours,  or  to  the 
face  of  any  member  of  this  Association,  would  receive  the 
punishment  due  to  such  an  outrage.  (A  voice — "  He  would.") 
And  what  is  the  difference  between  such  a  charge  direct,  and 
an  insinuation  of  it,  except  that  the  latter  is  worse  than  the 
former,  inasmuch  as  its  author  desires  to  create  an  impression 
which  he  dare  not  assert  in  direct  terms  f  I  had  rather  admit 
negro  evidence  than  that  of  any  Abolition  paper.  (A  voice — 
"So  had!") 

Sir,  who  has  occasioned  all  this  controversy  about  ad  va- 
lorem taxation  and  the  Workingmen's  Association  ?  As  an 
Association,  what  have  we  done  to  stir  up  strife,  or  to  subject 
ourselves  to  the  implication  of  sympathy  with  Abolitionism  ? 
We  adopted  certain  resolutions,  as  our  platform,  which  we 
published  to  the  world ;  we  adopted  a  Constitution  and  by- 
laws for  our  own  government,  almost  verbatim  with  the  Con- 
stitution and  by-laws  of  the  State  Agricultural  Society ;  we 
issued  an  Address  explanatory  of  our  aims  and  objects,  and 
setting  forth  some  of  our  reasons  for  the  changes  we  desired 
in  our  system  of  taxation.  And  how  have  we  been  met? 
With  argument  ?  with  reason  ?  No,  indeed  !  And  how  have 
we  been  treated?  As  gentlemen?  as  honest  men?  as  equals 
in  society?  No,  no!  Denunciation  and  Abolition  articles 
have  been  the  weapons  of  our  opponents.  They  recognize 
us  not  as  honest  men — not  as  ordinary  criminals  even — but  as 
traitors  !  They  further  insult  us  and  other  good  men  by  as- 
serting or  insinuating  that  we  are  merely  put  forward  by  oth- 
ers to  serve  their  purposes  in  schemes  of  villainous  ambition. 
In  other  words  we  are  charged,  in  effect,  with  being  the  fore- 
runners to  prepare  the  way  for  certain  "  demagogues  and  as- 
pirants to  office."  We  know  the  men  to  whom  they  allude, 
and  they  are  men  before  whose  honesty  and  talents,  the  dark, 
malicious  inuendoes  of  their  defamers  would  shrink,  abashed, 
back  to  their  native  hell !  (Applause.)  You  all  know,  as  I 
do,  and  as  I  here  assert,  that  these  charges,  or  insinuations 


are  false — that  they  were  conceived  in  iniquity  and  brought 
forth  in  corruption,  and  that  their  intent  is  wholly  evil.  (Cries 
of,  "  That  is  the  truth.") 

I  said  that  denunciation  and  Abolition  articles  have  been 
the  weapons  of  our  opponents.  I  must  ma'^e  one  honorable 
exception.  A  writer  in  the  Standard  of  last  Saturday  at- 
tempts argument  against  us,  and  bases  his  argument  upon  the 
assumption  that  we  are  opposed  to  internal  improvements  and 
to  the  amount  of  taxes  required  to  be  paid  into  the  State 
treasury.  How  such  an  idea  ever  got  into  the  writer's  head 
I  know  not.  Most  certainly  nothing  that  we  have  ever  said  or 
done  would  justify  such  conclusions.  So  far  as  I  know,  every 
member  of  this  Association  is  in  favor  of  internal  improve- 
ments, and  in  favor  of  raising  the  requisite  amount  of  money, 
by  taxation,  to  carry  them  on  to  completion.  We  have  not 
complained  that  we  paid  too  much  taxes — we  are  willing  even 
to  pay  more ;  but  it  is  the  unjust  and  unequal  mode  of  taxa- 
tion to  which  we  object.  For  my  part,  I  wish  I  had  a  thou- 
sand little  negroes,  and  that  every  one  was  taxed  for  the  pur- 
pose of  extending  our  railroads  West,  or  building  them  wher- 
ever they  are  required  to  develop  the  resources  of  my  beloved 
native  State.  (Laughter  and  applause.)  "  Junaluska,"  over 
which  name  the  article  alluded  to,  appears,  must  not  build  a 
man  of  straw,  demolish  him,  and  say,  "I  have  killed  the 
Workingmen's  Association."  (Laughter.)  I  am  not  only 
ready  and  willing,  but  I  am  anxious  to  see  a  railroad  built 
from  the  seashore  to — ay,  even  to  Ducktown,  in  the  copper 
mining  region  of  Tennessee.  (Applause.)  But  I  will  proceed. 
We  are  further  charged  with  an  intention  of  organizing  a 
new  political  party.  Demagogues  and  low-down  politicians, 
and  the  scribbling  slaves  of  unscrupulous  cliques,  are  always 
the  first  to  suspect  rascality  in  others,  because  they  judge 
others  by  themselves.  ("  That  is  so.")  Here  we  are  now, 
assembled  together,  and  I  see  before  me  men  of  foreign  and 
of  native  birth,  and  men  of  different  political  parties.  We 
have  published  our  platform,  declaring  this  not  to  be  a  politi- 
cal organization  ;  but  our  opponents  presume  to  know  our 
feelings  better  than  we  ourselves  do,  and  say  to  us,  in  effect, 


10 

"You  all  lie — it  is  a  political  organization."  They  show  their 
disrespect  for  us  by  interpreting  our  language  to  mean  just 
the  opposite  of  what  we  say.  We  can  afford  to  be  calm,  for 
we  are  conscious  of  truth  and  justice  on  our  side  ;  but  at  the 
same  time  we  can  despise  those  who  misrepresent  us,  and 
manifest  towards  them  a  proper  resentment.  We  can  hurl 
back  into  their  teeth  the  foul  charges  they  make,  and  the 
fouler  insinuations  they  have  not  the  temerity  to  charge  di- 
rect.    (Cries  of,  "  We  can  and  will.") 

Another  charge  against  us  is  that  we  are  attempting  to  ar- 
ray class  against  class.  What  classes  do  we  recognize  as  ex- 
isting among  us  ?  I  know  of  but  two,  the  honest  and  the  dis- 
honest. We  recognize  no  classes,  so  far  as  respectability  is 
concerned,  of  rich  and  poor.  We  respect  the  honest  man, 
and  we  despise  the  dishonest  one.  These  are  our  classes,  and 
this  the  distinction  we  draw  between  them.  We  weigh  no 
man's  respectability  by  his  purse,  nor  measure  his  patriotism 
by  the  number  of  town  lots,  negroes,  horses  or  cattle  he  may 
own.  Some  here  own  watches,  and  others  do  not ;  some  own 
horses,  and  others  do  not ;  some  own  negroes,  and  others  do 
not ;  but  we  are  all  mutually  bound  to  protect  the  lives  and 
property  of  each  other,  no  matter  what  species  of  property  it 
may  be ,  and  we  are  likewise  bound,  as  we  believe,  and  as- 
sert, to  pay  taxes  according  to  the  value  of  the  property  thus 
protected  by  mutual  agreement,  under  a  common  government, 
framed  for  the  security  of  the  poor  as  well  as  the  rich.  (Ap- 
plause.) Whether  we  possess  much  or  little,  it  is  our  all ; 
and  the  poor  man's  little  is  as  important  to  him  as  the  rich 
man's  abundance  is  to  him.  If  I  have  ten  thousand  dollars 
and  you  but  one  thousand,  is  the  payment  of  ten  dollars  more 
burdensome  to  me  than  the  payment  of  one  dollar  would  be 
to  you  ?  Under  the  Jewish  laws,  framed  by  God  himself,  the 
ad  valorem  system  of  taxation  was  established.  (A  voice, 
"That  is  so.")  He  imposed  a  tax  of  one-tenth  upon  all.  If 
two  men  had  each  a  hundred  bushels  of  barley,  He  did  not 
require  one  to  pay  a  tax  often  bushels  and  the  other  twenty  ; 
but  if  one  owned  a  hundred  bushels  and  the  other  two  hun- 
dred, He  required  the  former  to  pay  ten  bushels,  and  the  lat- 


11 

ter  twenty.  Why  was  this  ?  It  was  because  he  was  a  just 
and  a  righteous  God,  and  was  no  "  respecter  of  persons"  or 
of  property. 

The  last  charge  that  I  shall  notice  which  our  opponents 
have  preferred  against  us  is,  I  regret  to  say,  true.  In  their 
wilderness  of  false  accusations,  I  am  sorry  to  find  this  solitary 
oasis  of  truth.  Not  that  I  am  sorry  they  have  told  the  truth, 
but  that  what  they  have  told,  on  this  point,  is  true.  I  would 
that  their  assertion  in  this  particular,  as  in  all  others,  were 
false.  If  I  could  only  do  so  with  truth,  I  would,  with  the 
utmost  pleasure  and  the  greatest  alacrity,  hurl  back  the 
charge.  But  I  must  admit  it.  Alas !  that  I  must.  It  is  an 
old  saying  that  the  truth  often  hurts  worse  than  a  falsehood. 
In  this  instance,  that  old  saying  is  verified.  Ay,  this  one 
truth  from  our  adversaries  is  more  galling  than  their  score  of 
misrepresentations.  The  charge — I  dread  to  utter  it  and  ac- 
knowledge its  accuracy — is,  that  we  aee  poor  !  (Laughter 
and  applause.)  I  know  not  how  it  may  be  with  the  rest  of 
you,  but  I  do  not  think  I  ought  to  be  punished  very  severely 
for  this  crime,  for  it  was  hereditary.  (Laughter  and  applause.) 
It  is  a  constitutional  offense  in  my  family.  My  consolation  is 
that  poverty,  though  a  great  inconvenience,  is  not  a  disgrace, 
except  among  those  whose  wealth  alone  renders  them  respec- 
ted—I will  not  say  respectable. 

We  are  told  that  our  grievances  can  only  be  measured  by 
the  amount  of  taxes  we  pay.  This  is  a  luminous,  a  logical 
and  a  very  insulting  argument,  and  one  well  worthy  of  its 
author,  whoever  he  may  be.  If  I  am  worth  but  one  dollar, 
and  am  compelled  to  pay  a  tax  of  fifty  cents,  and  another  man 
who  is  worth  five  hundred  dollars  pays  a  tax  of  one  dollar, 
who  is  the  aggrieved  party  ?  According  to  the  sapient  writer 
of  the  foregoing,  the  five  hundred  dollar  man  has  double  the 
cause  of  complaint  that  I  have,  because  he  pays  double  the 
amount  of  taxes  that  I  do.  I  have  paid  out  half  my  fortune, 
and  he  has  paid  only  one  five-hundreth  of  his,  yet  his  griev- 
ance is  greater  than  mine  !  It  is  passing  strange  how  ridicu- 
lous a  man  can  sometimes  make  himself. 

I  recollect,  on  one  occasion,  when  I  was  a  small  boy,  walk- 


12 

ing  up  to  a  gentle  old  horse  and  wondering  if  I  could  jump 
upon  his  back.  To  make  certain  of  it  I  led  him  up  to  a  large 
stone,  on  which  I  mounted,  and  even  then  I  felt  doubtful  of 
my  ability  to  get  on  him.  But  I  determined  to  make  the  at- 
tempt, and  gathering  all  my  energies  for  the  eifort,  I  leaped 
so  far  the  other  side  that  I  lost  my  equilibrium,  and  came 
down,  head  foremost  to  the  ground,  cutting  my  underlip  and 
bruising  my  face  severely.  The  author  of  this  declaration, 
that  our  grievances  can  only  be  measured  by  the  amount  of 
taxes  we  pay,  reminds  me  of  this  youthful  and  indiscreet  ad- 
venture of  mine.  He  attempted  to  stride  the  hobby  of  ridi- 
cule, but  he  jumped  too  far,  and  simply  became  ridiculous 
himself.  He  attempted  to  kill  us,  but  broke  his  own  neck. 
May  it  be  as  profitable  a  lesson  to  him  as  my  foolish  attempt 
to  mount  the  old  horse  has  been  to  me.  I  have  ever  since 
tried  to  avoid  jumping  too  far.     (Laughter  and  applause.) 

But  before  I  forget  it,  let  me  here  do  the  Warrenton  JVews 
the  justice  to  say  that  it  has  been  more  consistent  in  its  friend- 
ship for  the  editor  of  the  Era  than  the  other  papers  of  the 
State  that  have  appeared  friendly  with  him  ;  for  the  News  has 
published  other  matter  for  him.  I  think  he  (the  Era  editor,) 
has  cause  to  complain  of  the  other  papers  of  the  State  who 
endorsed  his  sentiments  in  regard  to  our  Association,  that  they 
have  not  also  published  that  other  matter  for  him.  It  shows 
ingratitude  on  their  part  in  not  reciprocating  the  favor  he 
conferred  in  giving  them  aid  in  their  attacks  upon  the  Work- 
ingmen's  Association.     (Hisses  and  applause.) 

But,  Mr.  President,  is  it  not  a  little  remarkable  that  Free 
Masons,  Odd  Fellows,  Sons  of  Temperance,  Merchants'  Asso- 
ciations, Agricultural  and  Educational  Societies,  and  a  hun- 
dred other  similar  organizations,  should  be  permitted  to  meet, 
some  secretly,  others,  like  ourselves,  openly,  and  that  nothing 
should  be  charged  against  them  ? — that  they  should  not  be 
subjected,  as  we  have  been,  to  the  accusation  of  plotting, 
scheming,  intriguing  against  the  Constitution,  the  Union,  or 
something  else  ?  How  comes  it  that  a  few  Workingmen,  who 
have  associated  themselves  together,  should  alone  be  charged 
with  treason  ?     No  danger,  it  seems,  is  to  be  apprehended 


13 


from  any  but  Workingmen.  It  is  their  business  to  work,  not 
to  talk,  and  whenever  they  open  their  mouths  treason  issues 
forth.  (Sensation.)  What  a  pity  they  were  not  all  born  deaf 
and  dumb  !  What  a  blessing  it  would  have  been  to  the  im- 
maculate patriots  of  the  present  day !  (Laughter.)  To  atone 
for  this  heinous  sin,  let  us  go  and  cut  our  tongues  out.  It  will 
be  a  sacrifice  acceptable  to  the  disinterested  conservators  of 
our  liberties. 

But  some  members  of  our  last  Legislature,  who  voted  for 
the  present  Revenue  law,  think  we  are  attacking,  or  reflect- 
ing upon,  them.  This  is  a  mistake.  Had  I  been  a  member 
of  the  last  Legislature,  I  would  have  voted  for  that  law,  as  the 
best  I  could  then  do ;  and  I  have  a  very  small  opinion  of  the 
votes  cast  against  it.  (A  voice — "  So  have  I.")  What  was 
the  alternative  presented  ?  It  was  to  pass  a  law  to  raise  rev- 
enue to  meet  the  liabilities  of  the  State,  or  else  repudiate  its 
plighted  faith.  Before  I  would  disgace  North- Carolina — be- 
fore I  would  violate  her  pledges,  I  would,  as  a  member  of  the 
Legislature,  when  I  could  do  no  better,  vote  to  impose  all  the 
taxes  on  any  one  species  of  property,  be  that  species  lands, 
negroes,  white  polls,  or  any  thing  else.  If  injustice  must  be 
done,  let  it  be  done  to  ourselves  rather  than  to  our  creditors — 
to  those  who  have  trusted  to  our  honor  and  invested  their 
means  in  it.  Sir,  rather  than  see  North-Carolina  repudiate 
her  honest  debts — rather  than  see  her  violate  her  pledges,  I 
would  surrender  to  her  what  little  possessions  I  have,  and  re- 
double my  exertions  to  procure  a  scanty  subsistence  for  my 
family  and  an  ordinary  education  for  my  children.  (Ap- 
plause.) Yet  the  bowels  of  some  have  been  moved  with  fear 
and  trembling,  lest  our  movement  should  seriously  affect  the 
price  of  State  bonds  !  (Laughter  and  applause.)  I  have 
heard  of  tempests  in  teapots,  and  whirlwinds  in  patent  churns 
having  a  rotary  motion,  but  I  have  never  known  even  an  old 
woman  badly  frightened  at  either.  (Laughter.)  Will  those 
who  are  thus  alarmed  at  our  organization,  and  are  so  fearful  of 
the  consequences  of  our  action,  come  forward  now,  as  we  do, 
and  say,  "  Here  is  all  we  possess':  when  the  honor  of  North- 
Carolina  demands  or  requires  it,  it  is  hers  ?     Ay,  more — when 


u 

the  honor,  the  safety  of  North-Carolina,  or  of  any  species  of 
property  within  her  limits,  demands  it,  we  will  spill  our  blood 
in  defense  of  that  honor  or  that  property  ?"  "Will  they  stand 
side  by  side,  and  shoulder  to  shoulder,  with  us,  in  maintain- 
ing our  rights,  no  matter  at  what  pecuniary  sacrifice  or  loss 
of  blood  ?  If  this  government  should  fall  into  the  hands  of 
those  who  have  avowed  their  hostility  to  the  Constitution  and 
to  the  guaranteed  rights  of  the  South,  will  those  patriots 
tamely,  ignominiously  submit,  or  will  they  join  us  in  resist- 
ance? This  is  the  touchstone — let  them  try  themselves  by 
it.  Let  them  apply  the  test,  and  let  that  application  decide 
who  are  the  traitors.  For  us  the  ordeal  has  no  terrors.  (Ap- 
plause.) 

Of  what  material  is  this  Association  composed  ?  Are  we 
clothed  in  purple  and  fine  linen  ?  Are  our  hands  soft  and 
our  fingers  tapering  like  those  of  aristocratic  blood  and  breed- 
ing ?  Are  we  accustomed  to  the  soft  siesta  of  the  sofa,  or  to 
the  effeminate  indulgence  of  gentle  dalliance  with  the  waving 
curls  of  seductive  women  ?  Do  we  recline  upon  luxuriant 
couches  while  little  slaves,  on  which  no  taxes  are  paid,  soothe 
us  to  slumber  with  the  gentle  wavings  of  gorgeous  fans  ?  Are 
our  nasal  organs  so  imperial  that  the  rainbow  hues  of  the  pea- 
cock's tail  must  ever  be  flitting  before  them  to  warn  the  little 
flies  away,  with  a 

"Procul,  o,  procul  este,  nefandi !"— (Laughter.) 

Do  we  require  the  soft  persuasion  of  downy  beds,  after  days 
of  toil,  to  lure  to  us  "  Tired  nature's  sweet  restorer,  balmy 
sleep?"  Thank  God  that  it  is  better  to  lie  down  with  an  easy 
conscience  and  a  tired  frame,  than  with  a  tired  conscience 
and  an  easy  frame  S  Thank  God  that  the  tedious  hours  of 
darkness  are  spent  in  "  sweet  oblivion,"  rather  than  in  wake- 
ful remorse  !  Thank  God  that  we  can  arise  in  the  morning 
with  gratitude  in  our  hearts  and  praises  on  our  lips  to  Him 
who  hath  said,  "  In  the  sweat  of  thy  face  shalt  thou  eat  bread," 
nerved  and  strengthened  for  the  labor  of  the  day !  Thank 
God  that  living  hearts  and  willing  hands  sustain  and  enconr- 


age  us !  In  these  things  we  reap,  in  our  poverty,  a  reward 
richer  than  that  attendant  upon  wealth.     (Applause.) 

And  if  danger  threaten — if  invasion  occur — if  servile  insur- 
rection happen,  who  are  relied  upon  to  repel  or  to  repress  the 
foe  ?  Is  it  the  proud  possessor  of  thousands,  or  the  patriotic 
heart  of  him  whose  little  is  his  all,  whose  frame  is  inured  to 
hardship,  whose  soul  is  independent,  and  whose  love  of  inde- 
pendence is  stronger  than  his  love  of  life  ?  Your  bones  and 
sinews,  and  your  unselfish,  unconquerable  hearts,  are  the  pil- 
lars on  which  the  temple  of  Freedom  rests.  Men  like  you 
achieved  our  liberties,  and  as  their  descendants  it  is  enjoined 
upon  you  to  preserve  and  perpetuate  them.  Our  fathers 
bequeathed  to  us  a  glorious  legacy,  the  priceless  inheritance 
of  Liberty,  and  if  we  hand  it  not  down,  unimpaired,  to  our 
posterity,  the  curse  of  Almighty  God  will  be  upon  us.  (Ap- 
plause.) 

I  believe  that  the  time  is  coming,  and  that  speedily  too, 
which  will  "  try  men's  souls"  as  they  were  tried  in  our  Rev- 
olutionary struggle.  May  God  avert  such  a  violation  of  our 
Federal  Constitution  as  will  render  resistance  to  its  violators 
necessary ;  but  if  that  violation  should  occur,  palsied  be  the 
tongue  that  would  counsel  submission  with  disgrace,  and 
powerless  fall  the  arm  that  is  not  lifted  in  the  cause  of  honor ! 
(Applause.)  Already  a  Black  Republican  has  been  elected 
Speaker  of  the  House  of  our  national  Representatives.  Let 
it  be  followed  by  the  election  of  a  Black  Republican  Presi- 
dent,.and  I  am  in  favor  of  severing  the  few  remaining  ties 
that  bind  us  to  this  Union.  (Applause.)  I  reverence  a  con- 
stitutional Union  ;  but  a  Union  with  a  violated  Constitution — 
a  Union  of  oppression  or  of  inequality,  I  abhor,  as  our  fathers 
abhorred  the  tyranny  of  England  in  1776.  (Applause.)  The 
ties  that  then  bound  the  Colonies  to  the  mother  country 
were  stronger  than  those  that  now  bind  the  South  to  the 
Korth ;  and  I  here  assert,  and  if  I  had  time  I  think  I  could 
show,  that  the  aggressions  of  Old  England  towards  the  Colo^ 
nies  never  equalled  those  of  ISTew  England  towards  the  South. 
(Cries  of  "That  is  true.")  Are  we  degenerate?  Have  we 
not  the  spirit  of  our  fathers  ?     With  their  glorious  example 


16 

before  ns,  can  we  insult  their  bones  and  ashes  by  tamely  sub- 
mitting to  oppression?  (Yoices,  "Never!")  "Would  not 
their  spirits  haunt  our  midnight  hours,  and  pointing  their 
shadowy  fingers  in  scorn  at  us,  hiss  into  our  ears,  "  Degene- 
rate Sons  !"  When  we  submit  to  dishonor  we  shall  deserve 
our  fate ;  and  when  we  submit  to  inequality  we  submit  to 
dishonor.  (Yoices,  "That  is  so.")  When  we  die  battling 
for  the  right,  our  death  will  be  glorious,  and  posterity  will 
embalm  our  memory,  as  we  embalm  that  of  our  Revolution- 
ary sires. 

Mr.  President,  it  has  not  been  the  members  of  the  Work- 
ingmen's  Association,  nor  the  other  friends  of  an  ad  valorem 
system  of  taxation,  that  have  stirred  up  such  strife  and  such 
agitation.  The  opponents  of  the  system  have  made  nearly 
all  the  din,  and  have  certainly  caused  it  all.  The  question 
was  at  rest,  and  all  was  quiet,  until  an  opponent  of  the  system, 
through  the  columns  of  the  Raleigh  Standard,  called  out  a 
gentleman,  who  replied  over  his  own  name,  though  answer- 
ing an  article  published  over  a  fictitious  name.  After  the 
formation  of  our  Association  we  were  charged  with  being  the 
tools  of  others,  Abolition  articles  were  paraded  against  us, 
and  we  were  abused  and  misrepresented.  Good  and  honest 
men — men  whose  only  fault  was  that  they  might  be  in  some- 
body's way  in  a  "  wild  hunt  after  office,"  were  scourged  over 
our  shoulders  ;  and  an  incessant  warfare  has  been  waged, 
ostensibly  against  us,  but  really  against  those  whom  they 
thought  dangerous  competitors  for  positions  and  honors 'to  be 
conferred  by  a  free  and  an  enlightened  people.  What  were 
we  to  do  ?  Crouch  and  submit  ?  Had  we  done  so  we  would 
have  deserved  all  that  has  been  said  about  us.  Our  oppo- 
nents have  acted  on  the  principle  of  "  agitate !  agitate  !  agi- 
tate !"  and  then  hold  us  responsible  for  the  agitation.  (Cries 
of  il  That  is  so.") 

But  there  is  a  species  of  friendly  enemies  to  ad  valorem 
taxation,  worthy  of  our  most  exalted  admiration.  (Laugh- 
ter.) They  are  those  who  tell  you  the  system  is  right,  but 
that  its  adoption  involves  an  alteration  of  the  Constitution, 
and  that  that  Constitution,  though  perpetuating  a  wrong,  is 


17 

so  old  that  it  is  sacred,  and  therefore  ought  not  to  be  touched. 
I  am  not  one  of  those  who  believe  age  sanctifies  error,  and 
those  who  profess  such  a  belief  mnst  admit  that  the  devil  is 
more  respectable  than  themselves,  or  else  they  must  claim  to 
be  older  than  he.  (Laughter.)  I  shall  leave  the  parties  con- 
cerned to  decide  the  matter  among  themselves.  (Eenewed 
laughter.)    • 

In  whose  hands  is  the  Constitution  ?  For  whom  was  it 
made?  To  whom  does  it  belong?  I  say,  to  the  people,  and 
the  people  have  just  as  much  right  to  change  as  they  had  to 
frame  or  adopt  it.  Do  these  friendly  foes  fear  to  trust  the 
people  ?  Then  they  doubt  the  capacity  of  the  people  for 
self-government,  and  therein  agree  with  the  old  Federalists 
who  burned  blue  lights  in  the  war  of  1812,  for  the  benefit  of 
the  enemy  invading  our  land.  For  one,  I  am  ready  and 
willing  to  trust  the  people  at  all  times  and  in  all  cases.  If 
they  desire  a  change  in  their  Constitution  they,  and  they 
alone,  have  the  right  and  the  power  to  make  it.  I  see  nothing 
sacred  in  what  I  consider  wrong.  If  the  system  of  ad  valorem 
taxation  be  right,  and  the  Constitution,  as  it  is,  prevents  its 
adoption,  while  the  present  system  is  wrong,  in  the  name  of 
justice  let  the  Constitution  be  altered.  If  the  system  we  ad- 
vocate can  be  adopted  without  altering  the  Constitution,  then 
let  us  adopt  it  without  any  unnecessary  trouble.  "  Where 
there  is  a  will  there  is  a  way,"  and  we  believe  that  there  is  a 
will  to  adopt  the  ad  valorem  system  of  taxation,  and  if  so,  a 
way  will  be  found.  Let  its  opponents  remember  that.  (Ap- 
plause.) 

Mr.  President,  since  preparing  the  preceding  portion  of 
my  Address,  I  have  seen  a  resolution  adopted  by  a  political 
meeting,  (I  will  not  say  of  what  party,  for  we  ignore  all 
parties  here,)  in  Washington  county,  in  this  State,  which  is 
well  calculated  to  strike  terror  to  a  timid  body  of  men,  as  we 
are.  In  editorial  phrase,  "  We  clip  the  following  from  the 
Raleigh  Register,  it  being  one  of  a  series  of  resolutions  adopt- 
ed by  a  large  and  enthusiastic  meeting  of  the of  Wash- 
ington county."     I  will  read  it  to  you  : 


18 


"Hesolved,  That  the  principle  avowed  in  what  is  called  the  "Woi  king- 
Men's  Association,  in  Raleigh,"  is  readily  understood.  In  it  is  recognized 
a  covert  and  sinister  purpose  to  change  our  Constitution  which  we  value, 
and  which  should  not  be  changed  to  suit  every  popular  breeze  gotten  up  by 
demagogues  to  suit  their  own  personal  or  party  views  of  expediency.'' 

Gentlemen,  when  I  lived  in  the  mountains  1  used  to  hear 
that  the  fishermen  down  on  Albemarle  Sound  were  so  thin- 
shinned  that  you  might  hold  them  up  between  you  and  the 
sun  and  see  the  fish  bones  in  them  ;  or  that  you  might  give 
them  a  pint  of  bald-face,  and  in  ten  hours  afterwards,  when 
they  became  dry,  give  them  a  shake  and  hear  the  fish  bones 
rattle  in  them.  (Laughter.)  I  never  believed  the  story,  at 
all;  nor  do  I  now  believe  it  as  a  general  thing  among  the 
inhabitants  of  that  region  ;  but  I  must  express  the  belief  that 
there  are  some  men  down  that  way  thin-shinned  enough  to 
furnish  a  foundation  for  such  rumor.  (Laughter  and  applause.) 
But  I  congratulate  these  fishy  gentlemen  on  their  perceptive 
faculties.  Our  object  is  "  readily  understood."  They  see 
through  us  just  as  clearly  as  we  could  see  the  fish  bones  in 
them  with  the  most  favorable  light.  (Laughter.)  They  see 
our  "  covert  and  sinister  purpose."  ISTo  need  of  the  spectacle 
man  going  down  that  way.  (Laughter.)  They  require  no 
optical  assistance  whatever.  But  I  am  consoled,  as  you  all 
will  no  doubt  be,  to  learn  that  these  transparencies  "  value  " 
the  Constitution,  and  are  opposed  to  its  being  shaken  by 
"  every  popular  breeze  gotten  up  by  demagogues."  Consider- 
ate patriots !  we  thank  you  for  your  cold  blooded,  unpi  ovoked 
insult.  When  we  become  demagogues  ourselves,  or  m  hen  we 
place  ourselves,  at  the  highest  bidder,  for  sale  to  demagogues, 
we  shall  expect  a  tremendous  offer  from  you,  and  one  defy- 
ing all  competition.     (Applause.) 

But  a  writer  in  the  same  little  Tight-Squeeze  (laughter)  of 
of  this  city,  before  mentioned,  over  the  signature  ol  "  Anti- 
Advalorem,"  takes  the  ground,  as  I  understand  him,  that  ne- 
groes are  not  property.  If  this  be  so,  it  is  useless  to  make 
any  further  fight  against  the  Abolitionists,  for  we  at  once  sur- 
render all,  and  admit  that  their  doctrine  is  right.  The  Tight- 
Squeeze  (laughter)  says  the  writer  is  "an  eminent  jurist." 


19 

H  e  may  be,  but  I  beg  leave  to  differ  with  him  in  this  opinion. 
If  all  his  judicial  opinions  are  on  a  par  with  this  one,  I  do  not 
think  they  would  be  taxed  much  on  the  ad  valorem  principle. 
(Applause  and  laughter.) 

Mr.  President,  I  have  not  followed,  very  systematically,  the 
positions  laid  down  in  the  resolutions  that  have  been  offered ; 
but  I  have  endeavored  to  maintain  their  spirit.  I  hope  they 
will  be  adopted  without  a  dissenting  voice.  Although  1  drew 
them  up,  I  do  not  claim  them  as  mine  exclusively,  for  I  con- 
sulted with  other  members  of  the  Association,  and  received 
irom  them  valuable  suggestions.  I  think  we  owe  it  to  our- 
selves, as  an  Association,  to  repel  in  calm,  but  firm  language, 
the  charges  and  insinuations,  unjust  and  untrue,  that  have 
been  brought  against  us.  "We  can  feel  deeply  the  insults  of- 
fered us,  and  we  can  repel  them  in  strong  language ;  but  let 
us  be  prudent  and  discreet,  and  give  our  opponents  no  ad- 
vantage by  an  imprudent  and  an  indiscreet  course.  Let  us 
possess  our  souls  in  patience,  for  the  day  of  retribution  is 
approaching. 

But,  Mr.  President,  I  have  said  enough  for  the  present.  I 
have  endeavored  to  defend  our  Association  against  the  unjust 
charges  and  insinuations  preferred  against  it.  I  have  spoken 
boldly,  because  I  felt  deeply.  "We  have  sons  and  daughters 
grown  and  growing  up  around  us.  Their  reputation — their 
standing  in  society — depends,  to  some  extent  at  least,  upon 
the  characters  of  their  fathers.  He  that  repels  not  an  insult 
transmits  infamy  to  his  posterity ;  (Applause)  and  the  sins  of 
the  fathers  will  be  visited  upon  the  children  to  the  third  and 
fourth  generations.  It  shall  never  be  said  of  me  that  I  was 
charged  with  treason  and  did  not  repel  the  charge — that  I 
did  not  hurl  back  upon  my  accuser  the  wrath  of  an  honest 
and  an  indignant  heart.  No  man  shall,  with  impunity, 
charge  me  with  scheming  and  plotting  for  my  own  aggran- 
dizement, much  less  for  that  of  others.  Were  I  capable  of 
such  rascality,  I  should  appropriate  its  advantages  to  myself, 
rather  than  to  another.  It  shall  never  be  truthfully  said  to 
my  children,  "your  father  did  not  resent  the  charge  of  trea- 
son preferred  against  him."    No  Association  of  citizens  of 


20 

which  1  am  a  member,  shall  be  assailed,  and  I  not  raise  my 
voice  and  wield  my  pen  in  its  defense.  We  seek  peace,  and 
prefer  it ;  but  if  our  opponents  choose  war,  so  be  it.  We 
have  put  our  hands  to  the  plough,  and  will  not  look  back. 
We  throw  no  gauntlets,  and  we  shun  none  thrown  at  us.  We 
love  onr  friends,  we  respect  even  opponents  that  treat  us 
courteously ;  but  for  those  who  insult  and  abuse  us,  we  have 
but  scorn  and  contempt.  (Cries  of — "  Good.")  For  those 
who  go  down  to  the  sinks  of  Abolitionism,  insulting  us  with 
worse  than  free  negro  testimony,  we  have  no  respect,  and 
they  can  expect  none  from  us.  ("No,  indeed.")  We  scorn 
and  defy  them  all.  They  are  worthy  prosecutors  of  a  prose- 
cution founded  on  the  evidence  they  adduce.  (Prolonged 
applause.) 


ERRATA. 

Page  3,  fifth  line  from  bottom,  read  "or"  instead  of  "of." 
Page  14,  last  line,  read  "loving"  instead  of  "living." 


21 


[The  following  are  the  resolutions  referred  to  in  the  A  • 
dress,  and  which  were  unanimously  adopted  by  the  Asso- 
ciation :] 

Resolved,  That  having  formed  our  Association  and  announced  our  views 
on  the  subject  of  taxation,  in  an  Address  to  the  people  of  the  State,  we 
were  not  disposed,  at  present,  to  press  the  matter  further.  Having,  as  it 
were,  planted  the  seeds  of  our  sentiments,  and  believing  they  were  in 
good  soil,  we  were  willing  to  wait  for  them  to  germinate  in  due  season  ;  but 
the  use  which  has  been  made  of  articles  from  certain  Black  Republican 
newspapers,  the  effects  of  which  were  calculated,  and  no  doubt  intended, 
to  prejudice  and  injure  us  in  the  estimation  of  our  fellow-citizens,  has  not. 
permitted  us  to  remain  silent  without  a  sacrifice  of  honor — a  sacrifice  wt 
will  never  malce. 

Resolved,  That  having  expressed  our  views,  and  one  of  our  member.* 
having  ably  defended  us  through  the  columns  of  the  North-Carolina 
Standard,  against  the  effects  of  the  articles  referred  to,  we  are  content  to 
leave  the  whole  question  to  the  calm  judgment  of  the  people,  feeling  well 
assured  that  in  this,  as  in  all  other  matters,  "  Truth  is  mighty  and  will 
prevail." 

Resolved,  That  we  repel  with  scorn  and  indignation  the  insinuation,  by 
whomsover  made,  that  we  are  not  true  to  and  mindful  of  the  best  interests 
of  North-Carolina ;  and  that  whatever  may  be  said  or  thought  of  us,  by 
those  not  disposed  to  do  us  justice,  we  say  to  them  and  to  the  State,  that 
in.  the  event  of  Seward's  election,  or  the  election  of  any  other  Black  Re- 
publican to  the  Presidency,  we  will  be  as  willing  and  as  prompt  as  any  to 
maintain  and  defend  Southern  rights,  even  to  the  spilling  of  our  blood. 

Resolved,  That  if  not  as  rich  in  this  world's  goods  as  some  others,  yet 
what  we  have  is  as  dear  to  us  as  great  wealth  is  to  its  possessor,  and  much 
more  necessary;  and  that  we  despise  those  who  count  our  poverty  a  dis- 
grace, and  measure  our  patriotism  by  the  amount  of  taxes  we  pay. 

Resolved,  That  it  does  not  follow,  because  the  amount  of  taxes  which 
we  pay  is  not  large,  that  we  are  not  equally  interested  with  those  who  pay 
larger  taxes,  in  having  a  just  system  of  taxation  and  good  government. 

Resolved,  That  our  right  to  unite  for  the  purpose  of  protecting  and 
advancing  the  interests  of  labor,  is  as  clear  and  as  well  founded  as  the 
right  guaranteed  by  the  Legislature  to  capitalists  to  unite  in  banking  and 
other  corporations  to  protect  and  advance  the  interests  of  capital. 

Resolved,  That  while  taking  no  part  in  the  party  politics  of  the  day,  we 
are  nevertheless  deeply  impressed  with  the  danger  which  threatens  North- 
Carolina,  as  a  sovereign  slaveholding  State;  and  that  regarding  it  as 
infinitely  more  important  to  save  than  to  reform  a  State,  we  are  not  dis- 
posed to  make  the  question  of  ad  valorem  taxation  paramount ;  but  that 


22 


we  will  continue  to  defend  ourselves  if  attacked,  looking  with  hope  to  the 
next  Legislature  to  remove  the  burden  of  taxation  from  labor,  and  to 
adopt  such  a  plan  of  taxation  as  will  be  just  to  all  persons  and  to  every 
species  of  property. 

llesolced,  That  the  charge  preferred  against  us  in  certain  quarters,  that 
we  are  the  tools  of  any  man  or  set  of  men,  is  wholly  false,  and  that  nothing 
hut  malice  and  a  disregard  for  truth  ever  prompted  such  a  charge. 

Resolved,  That  those  newspapers  in  the  State  that  have  heretofore 
published  our  platform  and  other  matters  for  us,  are  tendered  our  thanks, 
and  that  they  and  all  others  not  disposed  to  misrepresent  us,  be  respectfully 
requested  to  publish  these  resolutions. 


X, 


